Dick Gephardt Founds Lobbying Firm After 28 Years as House Democratic Leader

Former House Majority Leader Dick Gephardt (D-MO) founded Gephardt Group, a consulting and lobbying firm, immediately after his three-decade political career ended with the expiration of his 14th congressional term on January 3, 2005. Gephardt established the Atlanta-based firm with his children, Matthew and Christine, positioning it as a labor relations consulting and government affairs operation. Simultaneously, Gephardt joined international law firm DLA Piper as a strategic advisor in its government affairs practice group, a position he held from June 2005 to December 2009, creating dual revenue streams from his congressional expertise.

House Leadership Legacy and Industry Value

Gephardt represented Missouri’s 3rd congressional district from 1977 to 2005, serving as House Majority Leader from 1989 to 1995 and House Minority Leader from 1995 to 2003. His 28 years in Congress—including 14 years in Democratic leadership—gave him unparalleled relationships with lawmakers, congressional staff, and executive branch officials. Gephardt’s expertise spanned labor policy, trade agreements, healthcare, and tax legislation, making him valuable to clients across multiple industries. His centrist Democratic positioning and history of working with business interests made him particularly attractive to corporate clients seeking bipartisan lobbying representation.

Labor-Management Bridge Strategy

Gephardt Group distinguished itself by positioning as a bridge between labor unions and corporate management—a unique niche based on Gephardt’s pro-labor voting record combined with his willingness to work with business interests. The firm advised companies on labor relations strategy while also maintaining relationships with union leadership, allowing clients to navigate labor disputes with insider intelligence from both sides. This approach proved lucrative in industries facing unionization efforts or labor conflicts, where Gephardt’s relationships with union leaders could be monetized to benefit management’s negotiating positions.

DLA Piper and Multinational Corporate Access

Gephardt’s concurrent role at DLA Piper, one of the world’s largest law firms, provided access to multinational corporations seeking Washington influence. His “strategic advisor” title nominally distinguished his work from direct lobbying, but functionally involved advising clients on legislative strategy and connecting them with congressional decision-makers. DLA Piper’s client roster included pharmaceutical companies, financial institutions, energy firms, and foreign governments—all seeking to influence U.S. policy in their favor. Gephardt’s insider knowledge of House procedures and Democratic caucus dynamics made him an invaluable asset for predicting legislative outcomes and identifying pressure points.

Significance

Gephardt’s immediate transition from House leadership to founding a lobbying empire exemplified how the revolving door had become an expected career progression for congressional leaders by the mid-2000s. His case showed that even pro-labor Democrats could monetize their government service by selling access to corporate interests, blurring traditional party distinctions about business relationships. The family business structure—bringing his children into the firm—revealed how revolving door wealth could establish multi-generational family enterprises built on a single parent’s government service. Gephardt’s dual positioning at his own firm and DLA Piper demonstrated the portfolio approach former lawmakers took to maximize post-congressional income, simultaneously operating boutique firms while maintaining relationships with lobbying giants. His trajectory normalized the expectation that House and Senate leaders would convert their positions into lucrative lobbying careers, treating congressional leadership as professional training for influence-peddling rather than public service. The lack of any cooling-off period requirement for House members—compared to the one-year Senate restriction—allowed Gephardt to begin lobbying former colleagues immediately, highlighting the weakness of ethics reforms.